The
timing could not have been more perfect. Just this morning, I finally sat down
with the 1985 book, Amusing Ourselves to Death, by Neil Postman, loaned to me
some three months ago by a friend who recommended it as a Òmust-readÓ for my
journalistic understanding.
Then,
this evening, I turned on the news to hear about Hillary ClintonÕs new YouTube
video with husband Bill said to spoof the last episode of The Sopranos.
In
writing about American politicsÕ inherent connection with the countryÕs Òconsuming
love affair with television,Ó Postman observes, ÒJust as a television
commercial will use an athlete, an actor, a musician, a novelist, a scientist
or a countess to speak for the virtues of a product in no way within their
domain of expertise, television also frees politicians from the limited field
of their own expertise.
ÒPolitical
figures may show up anywhere, at any time, doing anything, without being
thought odd, presumptuous, or in any way out of place. Which is to say, they
have become assimilated into the general television culture as celebrities.Ó
*****
Postman
makes the point that because Òdrama is to be preferred over exposition; that
being sold solutions is better than being confronted with questions about
problems,Ó the implications for political discourse are that people will accept
as normal assumptions derived from and amplified by television.
He
writes, ÒFor example, a person who has seen one million commercials might well
believe that all political problems have fast solutions through simple measures—or
ought to. Or that complex language is not to be trusted, and that all
problems lend themselves to theatrical expression. Or that argument is in bad
taste, and leads only to an intolerable uncertainty. Such a person may also
come to believe that it is not necessary to draw any line between politics and
other forms of social life.Ó
*****
In an
absolutely astonishing on-the-mark-for-2007 foreword to his book, Postman
compares the fear of George OrwellÕs 1984 coming true with the reality of Aldous HuxleyÕs Brave
New World being
the real outcome.
ÒContrary
to common belief even among the educated, Huxley and Orwell did not prophesy
the same thing,Ó he writes. ÒOrwell warns that we will be overcome by an
externally imposed oppression. But in HuxleyÕs vision, no Big Brother is
required to deprive people of their autonomy, maturity and history.
ÒAs
he saw it, people will come to love their oppression, to adore the technologies
that undo their capacities to think.
ÒWhat
Orwell feared were those who would ban books. What Huxley feared was that there
would be no reason to ban a book, for there would be no one who wanted to read
one.
ÒOrwell
feared those who would deprive us of information. Huxley feared those who would
give us so much that we would be reduced to passivity and egoism.
ÒOrwell
feared that the truth would be concealed from us. Huxley feared the truth would
be drowned in a sea of irrelevance.
ÒOrwell
feared we would become a captive culture. Huxley feared we would become a
trivial culture, preoccupied with some equivalent of the feelies, the orgy
porgy, and the centrifugal bumblepuppy.
ÒAs
Huxley remarked in Brave New World Revisited, the civil libertarians and
rationalists who are ever on the alert to oppose tyranny Ôfailed to take into
account manÕs almost infinite appetite for distractions.Õ
ÒIn 1984, Huxley added, people are
controlled by inflicting pain. In Brave New World, they are controlled by
inflicting pleasure. In short, Orwell feared that what we hate will ruin us.
Huxley feared that what we love will ruin us.Ó
*****
Toward
the end of his book, Postman revisits this theme with, ÒIn the Huxleyan
prophecy, Big Brother does not watch us, by his choice. We watch him, by ours.
There is no need for wardens or gates or Ministries of Truth.
ÒWhen
a population becomes distracted by trivia, when cultural life is redefined as a
perpetual round of entertainments, when serious public conversation becomes a
form of baby-talk, when, in short, a people become an audience and their public
business a vaudeville act, then a nation finds itself at risk; culture-death is
a clear possibility.Ó